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Move over Taylor Swift. You鈥檙e not the only one with crowds of worshipping fans who can听.

Mega-celebrities like singers, athletes and Hollywood stars get the听听when it comes to their coveted political endorsements. But this year, it鈥檚 the online influencers who candidates, including President Joe Biden, are increasingly looking to court.

Social media personalities on platforms such as TikTok, YouTube, and Instagram boast hundreds of thousands, and sometimes millions, of followers. These content creators听听by marketing everything from lipstick to watches.

The appeal of these influencers in the political sphere is obvious. Many have built up听. They鈥檝e developed close, intimate relationships that can be leveraged. Their word means something to their followers, whether that鈥檚 promoting a L'Oreal eyeliner, or a presidential ticket.

滨蹿听, it might soon also be the new epicentre of political campaigning, particularly because influencers have a lot of credibility with young people. And, Biden needs young voters to turn out for him, particularly as polling suggests that听听may be more enthusiastic about Trump than young Democrats about Biden.

Biden recently听听at the White House for hundreds of influencers including actor Kalen Allen and artist Devon Rodriguez, hoping to persuade them to join his cadre of digital assets. Rodriguez has 9 million Instagram followers and Allen 2 million. Trump, too, has been cosy with conservative influencers听听and Seth Dillon of Babylon Bee, a Christian news satire website.

Meanwhile, the Democratic National Committee has constructed an online organising hub that reporter Makena Kelly听听a 鈥渄estination for influencers, surrogates, and supporters to receive party-sponsored talking points, messaging, and a wide variety of digital content to post on their own social media feeds鈥�.

There are reports that the influential听听is paying US$1 million (拢782,000) to around 150 influencers to encourage the publishing of pro-Biden posts. Pacs raise money for candidates independent of official campaigns and then spend cash to bolster their preferred candidates.

The rise of influencers in American politics marks the latest evolution in a stream of technological innovations adapted by candidates, from Barack Obama鈥檚 early embrace of the internet听听in 2008 to Trump鈥檚 unvarished, shoot-from-the-hip听听in 2016.

Influencers, however, largely promise to be more subtle, more discreet, and more subliminal than conventional actors involved in electioneering. In fact, trend forecasters have suggested that not being in-your-face and overtly partisan can be the key to perceived听.

A Biden-Harris bumper sticker that 鈥渏ust happens鈥� to find its way into the backdrop of a YouTube clip touting the health benefits of kale smoothies. An 鈥渙ff the cuff鈥� reference to Trump鈥檚 plans to strip abortion rights amid a product review for the latest Chanel handbag. It鈥檚 not just about parroting back formal campaign slogans.

Issues with influencers

The use of influencers in politics raises big legal, ethical and policy quandaries.

Influencers are generally听听by the US Federal Trade Commission to disclose any sponsorships and financial gain from sales. Yet the legal landscape surrounding political influencers is still inchoate, and many critics say that politicians and Pacs exploit influencers to circumvent campaign finance laws.

The US Federal Election Commission has听听regarding the rules that apply to influencers in campaigns. Additionally, while some social media companies like Facebook actually听听in the days immediately preceding the 2020 election, influencers were left untouched.

The possible problems don鈥檛 stop there.

Communications researchers Katie Joseff and Samuel C. Woolley, for example, have听听that the hiring of influencers in politics 鈥渁mounts to a new and growing form of 鈥榠norganic鈥� information operations 鈥� elite-dictated propaganda through trusted social media spokespersons鈥�.

Even worse, they say, top-down 鈥減ropaganda from influencers are better able to evade detection systems built to detect political bots and sockpuppets and to defy regulators concerned with digital free speech鈥�.

罢丑别谤别鈥檚听听about foreign nations and organisations, especially the Kremlin, wielding disinformation to meddle in US elections. While domestic influencers may not have nefarious aims, social media followers may be impressionable in thinking political endorsements are authentic.

The desire to court influencers might even distort public policy. As writer Katie Harbath has听, when it comes to debates like whether to ban TikTok over privacy or national security concerns: 鈥淒emocrats are in a tricky spot because they want access to the younger user base that the app has but also recognise the challenges with the app.鈥�

Can influencers swing elections?

If the name 鈥渋nfluencer鈥� implies anything, the answer is yes 鈥� at least on the margins. While rigorous, experimental evidence听, and the trend in politics is relatively new, it鈥檚 clear that Americans who increasingly听听补谤别听.

People First, a firm that specialises in influencer partnerships,听, for example, that more than 40% of people surveyed 鈥渢rusted influencers more than political campaigns themselves鈥�.

Unsurprisingly, influencers are likely to disproportionately sway听. Gen-Z and young millenial voters could turn out at higher rates as a result.

In a 2024 election that鈥檚 likely to be decided by razor-thin margins in a handful of swing states, influencers could be influential. Biden, especially, can鈥檛 afford to lose the youth vote that supported听.

Conspiracy theorists who think that Taylor Swift is a听听are looking in the wrong place. For evidence of a more disruptive (and, potentially corruptible) form of politics, they need only fire up social media.

Links

• Original article in
• Dr Thomas Gift's academic profile
• UCL听Centre on US Politics
• UCL听Political Science
• UCL Social & Historical Sciences